Un essai sur le rôle de l'état dans la sphère culturelle russe, écris dans le cadre de mon certificat sur l'Europe de l'Est! Un sujet assez complexe, et surtout, d'actualité, et pas seulement en Russie! La censure nous touche aussi au Québec...
Encore une fois, le but est d'être le plus objectif possible et de relater des faits, non pas de juger!
Encore une fois, le but est d'être le plus objectif possible et de relater des faits, non pas de juger!
Introduction
The
Constitution of the Russian Federation, written in 1993, “guarantees freedom of
thought and speech, of legal search, production and dissemination of
information including mass information, and bans censorship.” [i]
However, events in the recent past years might tell otherwise, which leads to
some questioning as to the extent or the actual application of this article of
the Constitution. Whether during the Tsarist regime, or the Soviet one, the
state has always been significantly active in the cultural sphere, to ensure
that art would reflect positively on the country. Especially during the
communism era, art was seen as a mean to enforce the ideological control and
praise the socialist accomplishments; therefore, artists had to comply with the
regime’s framework, which led to censorship for anything that would disrespect
it. After the fall of the Soviet Union, new rules had to be established within
a context of reconstruction and reaffirmation of the Russian identity. In this
regard, symbolic politics were, and still are, used to promote the country’s
glorious past, thus leading to attachment to conservative and traditionalist
values, like affiliation with the Orthodox Church. This is particularly used by
the president Vladimir Putin and can be seen in his cultural policy, whose
objectives are to establish the place of the culture in Russia, the extent to
which the state, public and private organisations are implied, and the funds it
is given by the government, among other indications. Culture Prime Minister,
Vladimir Medinsky, was given the task to implement this cultural policy. In the
light of recent scandals, and given his key position, he is widely criticized.
The cancellation of the premiere of the Nureyev ballet and of the Tannhauser
opera, or the trial of Kirill Serebrennikov, just to name a few, are, in the
eye of the population, cases of censorship, based on the conservative values
advocated by the state through Medinsky and the cultural policy, although it is
officially denied.
Given these
events, one can wonder what are the effects of the active role of the state in
Russian culture? Maybe in a reminiscence of the Soviet’s clear censorship, but
more evidently in an attempt to create with funds and without risks, the
hypothesis is that Russian artists today perform in an environment of informal
or self-censorship where artistic freedom is undermined. The need for money in
creations and the need to correspond to the sate’s cultural view in order to be
financed or even just seen, lead to restrictions in the creation processes.
Moreover, art that
derives from the symbolic politics established to guide Russian society are
exposed to strong disagreement from the state, leading to manifestations,
arrests, and ultimately censorship as well, to accommodate the cultural policy
and its defendants. With the state setting lines of conduct in culture field,
it would appear that, while not
official, there would actually be an informal ideological censorship.
Going back
to acts of censorship under the Soviet regime and the importance of symbolic
politics after its fall will give a better understanding of the present
situation. A brief description of the cultural policies of the new regime and
of Medinsky’s role and actions will shed a light to the events happening on the
cultural scene. Analysing these will show the apparent consequences of the
active role of the state in the culture.
Ideological control and censorship under the Soviet
Union
The patterns
of the relationship between the state and the people in Russia today can be
traced back to the medieval time. In the East European countries, the model of
state-society is one of a concentration of power exerted vertically. Feudalism
and the Orthodox Church shaped the role of the state toward the society, giving
it an arbitrary power, autocratic and paternalist attitude, and influence and
control over all spheres of life, blurring the distinction between public and
private aspects[ii]. This tendency of an
active control of the state is a legacy of the past that characterized the
communist era and is passed down today to some extent.
In parallel,
arts have always been a large part of Russian’s culture, as can attest the
literature, music or ballets it produced. Art was and is strongly supported by
the state, may it be a Tsar, a Party leader or a democratically elected
government. But the financial support it enjoyed from the state came with the
responsibility of carrying its values. In short, the arts and the state are
intertwined. Art needs the money of the state, which it provides albeit that
art must in turn promote the state. This strong relationship, again, is at the
core of today’s situation.
Censorship
was common and straightforward in the Soviet Union. Starting from 1932, it was
proclaimed by Staline that art had to reflect Socialist Realist philosophy and
style. It created a distorted utopia, as what it depicted was a reflection of
the Communist Party propaganda praising the successes of the system, like the
industrialization progress, while ignoring the darker sides, like the labour
camps[iii].
As art was seen and used by the state to promote and glorify the ideology,
artists were bound not to digress from the view of the state, or they risked
unenviable consequences. While this led to the emergence of an underground
alternative art scene where artists exposed their work in the intimacy of their
apartment[iv],
it mainly kept people in line. Artists who challenged the regime faced repercussions
such as imprisonment or worse[v].
In the area
of performing art, it was reportedly difficult to submit a performance, as it
was required to go through several inspections by censorship boards in
theatres. For example, before a ballet could be presented to the public on
stage, the plot, music and choreography were studied, revisited and adjusted
during the creation process, and the final product was presented in dress
rehearsals attended by various administrators or politicians to make sure that
it did not stray from the ideology, which could mean at one point shutting down
the entire finished project[vi].
This tedious
process was frustrating, as was the lack of overall artistic freedom. Living
proofs of this fact are dancers that defected to the West. The Soviet Union
presented its gem, classical ballet, by touring to western countries in an
effort to show how its artistic qualities reflected the success of socialist
ideology[vii].
Famous high-profile dancers, notably Natalia Makarova, Mikhail Baryshnikov, Rudolf
Nureyev, Valery Panov or Alexander Godunov, took the occasion to defect and
pursue their career in western companies[viii].
The stories around the defection were fascinating to the public, subject to
multiple articles and speculations to what was going on behind the Iron
Curtain. But what most dancers said showed that they wanted to explore new
kinds of work and were craving for the artistic freedom Soviet Union lacked[ix].
It is only
in the 1980s that Mikhail Gorbachev, with the perestroika, initiated a decrease
in the ideological pressure over cultural institutions, until the complete
abolition of state censorship in 1990 with the Law on the Press and other Mass
Media[x].
In theory, and especially after the 1993 Russian Constitution was established,
there was to be no more ideological control. Visual artists are talking about
the 1990s as the best years for the freedom of creation because there was no
ideological framework; the Soviet one just fell, and a new one had not been
established yet[xi].
Symbolic Politic: reviving Russia’s nationalism
The fall of
the Soviet Union, along with economical crisis and political changes, brought
disarray and a need to redefine Russia’s identity. To this end, patriotism needed to be fed with a national idea that
encompasses traditions and memories of the former Empire’s grandeur, with
emotionally charged symbols that would give weight to the political position
that arbours them[xii]. The importance given to
traditional and conservative values, such as the preservation of the Orthodox
faith or the power of national unity throughout history, paved the political
direction of the newly retrieved Russia. Symbolic politics promote an
interpretation of social reality using symbols, and ensure, with the
appropriate resources, that this interpretation is dominant[xiii].
Putin particularly exploited symbolic politics after the annexation of Crimea
with a propaganda showing the alien character of the western values and
emphasising the strength traditional values give to Russia[xiv].
At the same
time, the political actors, heavily relying on the events of the past, are
making sure that only the officially approved version of historical events is
accepted. In this way, they are ensuring that the pillars on which their
ideology is built keep benefitting them, while also being of use to legitimize
their actions. Arbitrary state-control and policies instilling a fear of the
state are seemingly a continuation of the old ways that is not questioned by
the population because of the glorification of the past[xv].
The extent
of the conservative trend today in Russia is probably mostly seen in the
religious sphere. The Orthodox Church is a strong national symbol to which many
Russians associate with, as it played an important role in their history and
has thick links with the state[xvi].
Cultural Policies as a frame
Alongside
with the reinstating of Russia’s nationalism in the 1990s, an updated frame had
to be set in the cultural sphere of the country. The withdrawal of Soviet
ideological control and the newly found freedom of expression could not alone
support the cultural development. Cultural policies were to regulate the state
support. In this regard, a text written by Tatiana Fedorova and Nina
Kochelyaeva[xvii] provides a
comprehensive overview of the bills and laws that led to or are part of the
actual cultural policy of Russia. However too detailed in its complete form for
the purpose of this essay, the following outlines the context and the
implications of the cultural policy.
In the
1990s, Russian society was changing fast, and laws framing the culture and the
state support kept changing and expanding, adding new institutions (concerning theatres,
movies, or artists, like the Artists’ Union). In 1993, the goals of the
cultural policy (freedom of expression, preserving cultural heritage and state
cultural institutions) were regrouped in the Federal Programme for the
Development and Preservation of Culture and the Arts. The Act on State Support
for Theatre Art in the Russian Federation and the Law on State Support for
Cinematography in the Russian Federation are examples of laws that managed
state funding.
The Basic
Law on Culture determined the funds from the state given to culture. In the
1990s, it was 2% of the federal budget. In 2004, it was changed, and the funding
provided by the state are set by the Civil and Budget Codes, which also entails
that funds are provided to government established institutions. Depending on
the state of the economy each year, the share of the federal budget designated
for the cultural fields varies. In addition, grants, scholarships and awards
(publicly and privately financed) are distributed.
In 2010, a
new Law on Culture in the Russian Federation was in drafting, in order to
encompass a wider understanding of culture. The draft was made public in 2014.
The Culture of Russia (2012-2018) Federal Target Programme’s objectives that
are related to the traditionalist approach include the preservation of the
cultural identity and the preservation and promotion of cultural heritage.
Putin stated that “the aim of the policy is to create a cultural environment
that would be based on our history and traditions”[xviii].
However, new
laws, such as the one banning from screenings “films defiling the national
culture, posing a threat to national unity and undermining the foundations of
the constitutional order”[xix],
are showing the length to which the state extends its control in the cultural
field to ensure that its values are not threatened.
More and
more cases seem to indicate various, sometimes even wrong, interpretations of
the cultural policy, and censors artistic freedom in the name of the
traditional values promoted.
Vladimir Medinsky, the Culture Prime Minister
Vladimir
Medinsky is tasked with the implementation of the cultural policy among other mandates[xx].
He is known for his strong attachment and support of conservative values. He
overviews which cultural projects will receive state funding and now closely
monitors how it is spent[xxi].
He reportedly said that the state would only nurture the projects that are
useful[xxii].
In his views, only the creations that support the cultural policy should be
financed. The ones that go against it should be self-produced or privately
financed, as he finds it immoral to take the state money to create something
that will criticize it[xxiii].
Such sayings arose a lot of critics from the artistic field, and were a
justification to those calling out to cultural censorship. It also appears to
be an echo to the Soviet-like ideological pressure.
Recent scandals implying censorship
In the
cinematographic field, especially since the 2015 law that bans films that are
not patriotic, there are several cases where censorship might be implied.
Probably the
best known is the trial of the film director and theatre director Kirill Serebrennikov,
who is accused of embezzlement regarding state funds for some of his projects.
The public, even to the West, openly supports Serebrennikov on the basis that
his arrest is purely an act of censorship. His acclaimed work (his most recent
movie, Leto received awards[xxiv])
defies the conservative interpretation of the cultural policy and sometimes
depicts the flaws of the country. He supports LGBT rights, denounces art
censorship, criticize religious extremism and pushes boundaries with productions
of modern theatre.[xxv]
[xxvi]
[xxvii].
His art contains political messages, and in this regard, his arrest can be seen
as a political move and a consequence of challenging the views of the state.
The movie
Leviathan, directed by Andrei Zvyagintsev was also called out, as it can be
interpreted as a critic of life under Putin. The political figures shamelessly
bribing to get things their way did not flatter Russia’s bureaucracy[xxviii].
Another
well-known case to the Western public is the arrest of members of the Pussy
Riot, a punk protest group, after a performance criticizing the Church
conservative stances. To the West, it became a symbol of Putin’s censorship, as
the performers openly challenged the state, although the government denies any
political implication in the case[xxix].
In the east,
the Novosibirsk opera house’s director, Boris Mezdrich was fired after a
production of the opera Tannhauser stirred up protests from religious extremist
that felt insulted. In response there were demonstrations against the
dismissal, where the organiser, Natalia Pinus, remarked: “Just as we have the
freedom of religious believes, artists should have artistic freedom of speech
and creative ideas.”[xxx]
This outlines the fact that the state’s support goes only toward what reflects
its ideology, in this case, religious values.
Other less
high-profile creations were the victims of censorship-looking acts. A
children’s book, Flags of the World,
telling that Lithuania had fought against Russian dominance, was removed from
libraries, as it was deemed anti-patriotic by a Russian politician[xxxi].
An historian working on a project about the Stalin years was arrested[xxxii].
The link between these events and the effort of the state to preserve a
specific version of Russian history did not go unnoticed.
To all these
events, and to the impression that the state is applying cultural censorship in
the name of the cultural policy and the protection of the Russian values it
advertises, Medinsky and the Kremlin are categorical in their reaction: there
is no censorship, as it is unacceptable and forbidden by the Constitution.
However, the Kremlin spokesman explains that “the state has the right to expect
appropriate performances financed from budget funds” and that “it should not be
interpreted as attempts to impose any type of censorship.”[xxxiii]
On the
Novosibirsk case, Medinsky says that Mezdrich was fired not in an attempt of
censorship, but as a punishment for insubordination[xxxiv]
[xxxv].
There is indeed a principle of loyalty in the vertical hierarchy of power.
Medinsky reorganised cultural institutions and appointed loyal people to
prestigious positions[xxxvi]
[xxxvii].
In turn, they are expected to behave accordingly and follow his ways.
Furthermore,
the importance attached to conservative values, namely, the Orthodox faith,
appears to encourage religious extremists to report and manifest against art
that they find offensive. The Pussy Riot event seem to have triggered a law
imposing jail terms if religious believers are offended by actions
demonstrating disrespect to society[xxxviii].
Similarly, Putin’s homosexual anti-propaganda law seemed to have weighed in the
decision of postponing the premiere of the ballet about Rudolf Nureyev’s life[xxxix].
The famous dancer was known to be gay.
Implications of the active role of the State in the
cultural scene
It appears
that the state’s cultural policy is favouring those who align with the
conservative values the state wishes to promote. By financing cultural
creations, the state ensures a control over what is presented to the public,
and the cultural policy and its ideology is an excuse to justify why it may not
be granted the right to be showcased. The state also indirectly interferes in
the cultural field with laws that have an impact on the possibilities of
creation. A project that might offense religious people faces serious
consequences.
The impact
of the active state implication in the cultural field is mostly
self-censorship. Artists simply don’t want the trouble of challenging the state
and need an access to government funds[xl].
Instead, they try to work within the range of motion they feel they have. They
might also display their art privately[xli].
Because of that, the Russian cultural scene’s diversity and edginess might
suffer from lacks of creations that could contribute to it. Since there is no
official censorship and rules as to what to avoid doing, unlike during the
Soviet time, artistic creation can be a tricky process[xlii].
The arbitrariness, echoing the power of the state in medieval times lies on the
fact that a creation might or might not generate a complaint[xliii].
Artists can try to rely on what happened with similar projects, to have a
better idea of how far they can go[xliv].
Those who
are actually brave enough to try creating outside of the vague lines are
risking dealing with intimidation, complains, protest, and in more serious
cases, arrests[xlv] under various
accusations. The problem is that it is hard to determine if this is an actual
attempt of censorship from the state, or if it is only an action in line with
the cultural policy and the symbolic politics to enforce Russian patriotism. It
might even be because of a political alliance between institutions[xlvi],
which in this case would not even be supported by an ideology, no matter how
criticized.
Another
effect, and maybe a solution whose popularity will grow, is the rise of seeking
private funding[xlvii] which in theory gives
more freedom, providing that no law be broken The new social class benefitting
from the fall of communism, oligarchs, can help in this way, as well as private
institutions. And there is the fact that bribery can be used to secure the
financial aspect of a production.
On an
ideological side, the recent events arose a fear that Russia is going back to a
Soviet-style censorship, not officially, but with undercover actions like the
arrests that will lead to a similar result. Artists are protesting to keep the
freedom the Constitution gave them in theory, and to push back the tendencies
of the past promoted by symbolic politics. Fortunately, protests sometimes
bring good reactions. The ballet Nureyev was finally presented to Russia and
other countries, and Kirill Serebrennikov was released.
Conclusion
The Russian
state always had an active role in the cultural field. State and art depend on
each other. A control was openly exerted during the Soviet time when art had to
reflect and promote the socialist ideology. Now, with the symbolic politics
defining the new Russian state, art once again has to comply with the
conservative and traditional ideology. Vladimir Medinsky endorses the cultural
policy established as a framework to the cultural scene. But it appears that
this allows control of the state over the art, or a large implication in the
least, resulting in scandals when works of art derail from the cultural policy.
This is reinforced by laws banning certain directions that productions could
take (setting a film in a delicate historical period, for example), granting an
even bigger control to the state.
The
consequences of this active state control are an informal ideological
censorship in the form of self-censorship[xlviii].
State funds are needed in order to create, so art might be altered to access
those funds. Some artists decide to take the risks of facing retribution from
the state. Private funding is also becoming an option. But the general
impression is that artistic freedom is seriously undermined and a Soviet-style
censorship might be on the rise. At least now people can protest, which keeps
the cultural scene slowly but surely flourishing, despite the obstacles it must
overcome.
Although art
will always depend on the state, it should be given more freedom in order to
authentically reflect the society and create a flourishing culture. As long as
the state uses art for promoting means, it will not truly serve the society.
The state should truly respect the Constitution. It does so by not officially
censoring, but it should also not encourage, allow or tolerate actions that
lead to censorship.
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[xliv] ROSENBERG, Alyssa. How censorship
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